Gender Trouble in Bab al-Hara II

Ramadan is an exciting time for TV viewers across the Middle East and this season is no exception. There are so many programs for viewers to choose from such as the epic biography of “King Farouq,” that features Syrian actor Taim Hassan as the Egyptian monarch and “Saqaf al-‘Alam (Top of the World) that presents the travels of Ibn Fadlan told against the backdrop of a Syrian graduate student whose thesis project is to translate the twelfth-century traveler’s writings while studying in Denmark. The story takes place during the protests over the Danish cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad. But definitely the talk of Damascus and the Arab World is “Bab al-Hara II,” the second in a series of tales from a fictitious Damascene old quarter called “Harat al-Dab‘” (“Hyena quarter”) during the French Mandate period. The series has been proclaimed the most popular Ramadan series of 2007. The story features the central character, the Barber Abu ‘Issam (Abbas al-Nouri) enjoyed a life of prestige as the brother-in-law of the leader of the quarter (za‘im) Abu Shihab (Samer al-Masri). The basic conflict in the series begins with gender trouble between two households who are linked together by marriage. Abu ‘Issam’s wife, Su‘ad (Sabah al-Jaza’iri) and her neighbor, Fariyal (Wafa’ Mussali), whose daughter also happens to be married to her son ‘Issam, despise each other and eventually a very public brawl erupts between the two women. The humiliation caused by Su‘ad’s confrontation the neighbor embarrasses Abu ‘Issam to the point that he scolds his wife. During that confrontation, Su‘ad, a strong and vocal woman, tosses some fateful words at her husband, one of many previous conflicts between the couple, and her husband responds with a single verbal divorce. This divorce initiates an endless cycle of misery throughout the Ramadan month not only in the household but throughout the entire quarter.

After this divorce, contrary to the standard practices of the quarter, Abu ‘Issam refuses to kick his ex-wife out of the house and sleeps in his shop, presumably because it is haram for him to live under the same roof. Soon, neighbors start to suspect Abu ‘Issam of wrongdoing, especially as he takes interest in a female resident after overhearing thieves in the middle of the night who plan to raid her home not only for goods but possibly rape her as well. The thieves plan to dress like women in a full face covering, in order to conceal their identity. Abu ‘Issam begins to communicate with the woman whose house is targeted. It is then that his ever so observant neighbors, not knowing the full story that includes the thieves, believe Abu ‘Issam is a womanizer. Through this gossip, his reputation is tarnished as is his family’s. Soon, news of his divorce is released through a ring of gossip throughout the entire community, beginning with women, and later through the community of men. Abu ‘Issam’s daughter’s fiancé breaks things off after being pressured by his family to distance himself from the family because of the stigma of a divorced mother-in-law (Su‘ad). Abu ‘Issam son’s worsening relations with his wife, especially as the conflict between his mother and mother-in law set off the initial problems in the quarter, ends in divorce as well. Ultimately, Abu ‘Issam is pushed to a worse extreme when his brother-in-law takes his wife Su‘ad to his house making reconciliation even more difficult.

Abu ‘Issam also makes things worse for himself as he is often by himself, brooding, rather than informing his neighbors about his divorce, and even worse, about the thieves roaming the hara. As unidentifiable veiled women walk through the hara, Abu ‘Issam follows them suspecting them of possible crime, yet every time he does, the watchful eyes of the shopkeepers view his actions as lecherous. Finally, in a moment of suspicion he yanks the full face veils from the heads of two women to dish out the final humiliation to himself and the hara and results in near war between two quarters.

“Bab al-Hara II” is an imaginary Damascus, a nostalgic journey to a day when honor, reputation and manhood were supreme. The serial is filmed on a set designed to look like the old city of Damascus. Each home is laden with beautiful objects of priceless value, inlaid mother of pearl chairs, tables, cabinets. Many people I have discussed the program with view it as an authentic representation of Damascus and its traditions, many Syrian serials have been using this genre as it invokes a sort of historical pride in its viewers. For the historian, however, it’s much less historical as the line between imaginary and historical is quite blurred. Part of Abu ‘Issam’s predicament, according to the program, is his inability to reconcile with his wife after the divorce. We find out that he has actually verbally divorced her once before, yet, anyone with a rudimentary knowledge of Islamic law knows that two divorces is not an irrevocable triple divorce. Abu ‘Issam repeatedly informs the viewer that his wife is now haram to him; therefore, he has to sleep in his shop and is unable to return to his home where she still resides. He attempts reconciliation unsuccessfully with a shaykh at his side (something completely unnecessary as he is not actually divorced). So, why is reconciliation so difficult? Why did the producers of the serial decide to change the criteria of divorce? Was it because a triple divorce would make reconciliation much more difficult as it would demand Su‘ad marry another man before reconciling with her husband? Furthermore, the role of the shaykh is greatly amplified in the series. It is understood that only he can reconcile the couples in the series. The most absurd scene involving the shaykh occurred when ‘Issam asked the shaykh to serve his divorce to his wife, unable to utter the words in person.

That being said, “Bab al-Hara II” is excellent entertainment. Is hosts a variety of highly skilled Syrian actors that have a long tradition in the Ramadan serials produced here. Articles have been written in the popular press concerning the revival of traditional Damascene vocabulary from the series in everyday speech throughout Syria as well as analysis of psychologists concerning why such escapism is appealing to the viewing public. Everyday in Damascus conversations abound about the daily happenings of the program, questions as to how far the catastrophe of Abu ‘Issam’s house will reach? Will Abu ‘Issam and his wife reconcile? Will a wave of divorce overtake Harat al-Dab‘? But for this viewer, gender trouble prevails as the men in the program are caricatures of Damascene manhood; there are constant references to manhood, “aren’t you a man yet?” or “be a man!” Probably the best contrast to this prevailing image of Damascene manhood, is Abu ‘Issam’s neighbor, Abu Badr, who is overpowered by his wife who constantly ridicules him as weak and less than a man. The viewer is beat over the head with this image as Abu Badr cowers through the streets afraid of men and women alike.

Manhood is also demonstrated through the treatment of women in the series. On two occasions, ‘Issam beats his wife in a very disturbing scene for her alleged role in the chaos that has affected his family. Jamila, Abu ‘Issam’s daughter speaks to a baker from the other side of the door, without being seen; however, it is enough for her to be scolded by her father and for her male relatives to suggest this shame is enough to warrant justifiably killing her. But this is not all, the female characters have no role in decision making, they are ordered around by their husbands and sons and virtually secluded in their homes with no public roles whatsoever. Women have no agency, and when they do assert it, it’s in a negative and destructive way. Female agency is only offered by way of the troublesome neighbor, whose feud with Su‘ad kicked off the season. Eventually, Fariyal turns to black magic in order to try to reconcile her daughter with her husband. Repeatedly, she insults the people around her to the point that everyone comments that her tongue is long (lisanha tawil) and needs cutting, a euphemism for a woman who not only talks too much, but is often rude and disrespectful while doing so. What kind of message does this send to the viewer, especially as it is, for some, representative of tradition and historical values? At the same time, I am glued to the TV every night to find out how this cycle of misery will be resolved. Others are waiting to see if Fariyal, painted as the true villain, will have a change of heart. Eventually, after being ostracized for her troublemaking, she does change her ways. The series ends with most of the divorced couples reuniting, and promises for more reunions next season, we will have to wait and see.

Still, embedded in the storyline is the initial trouble between a man and wife, and how a wife’s unruly behavior begot a series of troubles throughout the neighborhood. Something within this initial story is very telling about a gender fantasy in which uncontrolled wives have the ability to spread chaos (fitna) throughout an entire community. Su‘ad is that woman as is her neighbor Fariyal, the latter representing the worst kind of gender trouble as she is completely uncontrollable, disrespectful and has engaged in witchcraft, just in case her evil nature was not already apparent to viewers. At the end of the season all parties are reconciled, the viewer is left with the understanding that the women whose dispute caused a cycle of suffering are to blame for the chaos that ensued. Patriarchal control, in the form of divorce, spousal abuse, and social control, solves the conflict in the hara. Perhaps one of the most disturbing aspects of “Bab al-Hara II” are the comments I have heard as I discussed the series with shopkeepers and residents here in Damascus. Some of the comments range from criticism of the program as being silly, full of gossip more than storytelling, and slow moving (which is very true of some of the 30 chapters). Other comments have been that what is being represented is the true traditions of Damascus, one customer in a shop commented that Damascenes should return to the traditions related in “Bab al-Hara II.” The shop keeper did not agree and began a conversation about which traditions he thought were not worth reviving. Some Damascenes have expressed a dislike of the program arguing that it represents more conservative values that they personally reject. One Damascene housewife told me that she thought that the female characters represented strong women. She was unable to tell me exactly what made them strong, but this was her overall impression of the women in the series.

Despite its disturbing gender messages, “Bab al-Hara II” is great entertainment. The first series was so popular that it generated lesser quality knock offs that can be found on other channels. There are promises of a third season in which the quarter leader, Abu Shihab may find himself married. However, at least here in the Old City of Damascus, almost any time of the day during the month of Ramadan, you can walk through the streets and hear “Bab al-Hara II” blaring from the TVs in throughout its neighborhoods. In fact, it’s a great time to escape the long lines at the bakeries.